Nationalismus in Kurdistan (1993)
7. Anhang
Längere fremdsprachige Zitate im Original
S.9
«Au moment de la déb[â]cle turque, les chefs kurdes se réunirent, au mois de mai 1919, près de Malatia, à Kahta, pour organiser
une action antikémaliste. Le colonel Bell, chef de l'Intelligence Service à Alep, vint les en dissuader au nom de son gouvernement,
tout au promettant de la part des Alliés que les aspirations nationales kurdes seraient prises en considération. Le traité de Sèvres
était déjà en vue ...»
(Nikitine Les Kurdes S.196)
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S.9f
«Trois délégués du Kurdistan Taali Djémiéti; Les Emirs Djéladet et Kamouran Aali Bedr-Khan et Djémil Pacha Zadé Ekrem Bey qui se
trouvaient à Malatia en mission, furent attaqués par les forces que Moustafa Kémal dirigea contre eux. Devant cette agression, ils
se retirèrent sur les montagnes de Kahta pour organiser une force Kurde et chasser ces hordes que Moustapha Kémal avait envoyé contre
eux. Ils avaient déjà réuni quelque 3000 hommes lorsque le même colonel Bell arrivant à Malatia leur manda un officier anglais, Major
Noel, qui au nom du Gougernement Anglais les pria d'avoir à se retirer immédiatement. Ils durent s'exécuter car de ne point suivre ce
Conseil c'était en combattant les Turcs avoir les Anglais sur le dos.»
(Chirguh [Bedir Khan] La question kurde S.29; mit Setzfehlern wiedergegeben)
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S.21
“The many forms of speech known to outsiders as Kurdish do not constitute a single, unified langugage. Instead it can be said
that the various Kurdish dialects, which are clearly interrelated and at the same time distinguishable from neighbouring but more distantly
related Western Iranian languages, fall into three main groups. The differences between dialects are generally proportional to their
distance apart and beyond a certain distance certainly make them mutually unintelligible.”
(Bois „Stichwort: Kurds, Kurdistān“ S.479)
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S.28
“For pragmatic reasons I use a rather loose and wide definition, including all native speakers of dialects belonging to the Iranic languages
Kurmanǧi or Zaza, as well as those Turkish speaking persons who claim descent from Kurmanǧi or Zaza speakers and who still (or again) consider
themselves as Kurds.” (van Bruinessen „The Ethnic Identity of the Kurds“ S.613)
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S.29
“Many Shafi‘i Kurds, in fact, refuse to consider the Alevis and Yezidis as Kurds. Intermarriage between these religious groups is extremely rare,
much rarer than between Turkish and Kurdish Alevis or even Turkish and Kurdish Sunnis. It might, in fact, be more apt to consider the Kurds not
as one, but as a set of ethnic groups [...]”
(van Bruinessen „The Ethnic Identity of the Kurds“ S.614)
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S.30
“Other, secondary symbols are even less apt to define a boundary: ‘Kurdish’ dress, music, folklore, cooking, etc. show great regional variations,
while the similarities with those of other ethnic groups in the same region are sometimes striking.”
(van Bruinessen „The Ethnic Identity of the Kurds“ S.614f)
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S.31
“These symbols of separateness have since the late 1920s been suppressed by the republican Government, which paradoxically made it possible for
the nationalist movement of the 1970 to promote a re-invented, more unified Kurdish tradition [...]” “People started wearing Kurdish clothes
again — in many cases a fancy dress, based on that worn by the Iraqi Kurds.”
(van Bruinessen „The Ethnic Identity of the Kurds“ S.614f und S.620f)
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S.38
“The Dumbuli (Dümbeli), for instance, are mentioned in the Šarafnāma as a Kurmanǧi-speaking tribe, originally Yezidis but later converted to
Sunni Islam. Part of tribe having moved from the mountains south of Lake Van to the area of Ḫoy, their chieftains allied themselves with the
Safavids [...] During the following centuries, the Dumbuli continued to play a prominent role in regional politics, gradually Turkicising.
At present, all Dumbuli are turcophone Twelver (ithna ‘ašarī) Shi‘is. An example of the reverse development is the Karakeçili tribe, seminomads
living on the slopes of the Karacadağ mountain to the southwest of Diyarbakìr. They are kurdophone, but according to local tradition they were
originally Türkmen from Western Anatolia, who had been settled in this region by Sultan Selim I after the Ottoman conquest. Sections of the
Karakeçili who stayed behind in Western Anatolia retained their Türkmen identity; the ones settled on Karacadağ gradually Kurdicised, as a
result of intermarriage and the incorporation of Kurdish allies into the tribe.”
(van Bruinessen „The Ethnic Identity of the Kurds“ S.618)
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S.38
“Rarely do analysts using supposed ethnic names probe their actual usage: it is too easily assumed,
for example, that Baluch, Kurd and Pathan are comparable identities, that each one keeps the same meaning wherever it is used, and that each
represents a ‘real’ unity of origins and culture. An examination of the immensely varied and complex popular discourses shows that cultural
identities, whether ‘ethnic’, ‘tribal’ or otherwise, make sense only in social contexts. They are essentially negotiable subjects of strategic
manipulations; individuals claim status and present themselves, in different ways in different contexts, and how they do so depends particularly
on power relations and on local hierarchies — but also on policies and categorisations by the state.”
(Tapper „Minorities and the Problem of the State“ S.1030)
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S.41
“Mediaeval Arab geographers used the term ‘Kurd’ (in its Arabic plural form ‘Akrād’) to denote
those nomadic (or semi-nomadic) tribes that were neither Arab nor Turk. This includes tribes that even the most extreme of Kurdish nationalists
would nowadays not reckon among his nation. Occasionally even Arabic-speaking nomads were called ‘Akrād’ [...]”
(van Bruinessen Agha, Shaikh and State S.124)
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S.43
«Pourtant, hameau minuscule ou village important, le peuplement montagnard est perdu d'ordinaire
dans un espace trop large, de circulation difficile, un peu comme ces premiers centres du Nouveau Monde, noyés eux aussi dans un espace surabondant,
en grande partie inutile ou hostile [...] La montagne est obligée de vivre sur elle-même pour l'essentiel, de tout produire, vaille que vaille,
de cultiver la vigne, le blé et l'olivier, même si le sol ou le climat s'y prêtent mal.»
(Braudel La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen Bd.1 S.29)
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S.45
“Even on the level of the tribe unity against outsiders may remain restricted to the domain of
ideology. [...] In case of conflict between two tribes it may happen that a section of one of them makes common cause with the other one —
either because of a internal (blood) feud that is taken very seriously, or (more frequently) because the sectional leader has an axe to grind
with the paramount chieftain. [...] there were perpetual struggles for leadership of the tribe. Each of the rivals tried to manipulate the
socio-political environment in order to get the better of the others. For such people the relevant classification is not 'my tribe' vs
'the other tribes' but 'the power sources my rivals are tapping' vs 'the power sources I might tap'. [...] Manipulation of the central state
in order to get the upper hand in a local, tribal conflict is a recurrent theme in Kurdish history.”
(van Bruinessen Agha, Shaikh and State S.71f)
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S.55
“[...] the fall of the Ayyubids was followed by one of the darkest periods of Kurdish history.
The Mongol horde swept over Kurdistan [...] For two and a half centuries (1260-1502) the power of the Ilkhans Mongols and that of Tamerlane
and his successors was constantly resisted by the Kurds [...] Once the tempest had passed, the native inhabitants rebuilt their ruins, and
in a few years re-established their industrial and commercial concerns.”
(Bois The Kurds S.139)
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S.57
“[...] the early history of the Kurds cannot be reconstructed with any certainty. Unfortunately,
the scarcity of evidence and the romanticizing of the Kurds by Americans and Europeans [...] has resulted in an outpouring of pseudo-scholarly
nonsense, propounding wild theories that can never be conclusively disproved.” (Limbert „The Origins and Appearance of the Kurds“ S.48)
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S.83
“[...] every attempt at building an empire, since it required centralisation of power and administration, had to work against
the owners of the great suyūrghāls.”
(Fragner „Social and Internal Economic Affairs“ S.508)
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S.87
“After nine centuries (639-1502) of utter suppression and laceration Persia raised her head again, and, under the leadership of Shah
Ismail Safavi restored her united sovereignty [...]”
(Safrastian Kurds and Kurdistan S.39)
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S.93
“[...] government, whether by foreigner or by native, is exercise of power; and power, it is commonly and rightly said, sets up barriers,
isolates, puts him who exercises it in a different world from him who is subject to it. Those who have power and those who do not have
power are different species of men.”
(Kedourie „Introduction“ S.134)
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S.96
“The Safavids' political organisation was openly tribal [...] This tribal organisation clearly rivaled the sedentary structure of the
Ottoman [...] enterprise [...] it was modeled not on the Persianized bureaucracies of classical Islam but on the Mongol political tradition,
passed on in Anatolia by the Kara Koyunlu and Ak Koyunlu confederations [...] The Safavids provided the nomads their acceptable alternative,
and they seized it.”
(Lindner Nomads and Ottomans S.110)
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S.111
“The result was that by the mid-seventeenth century there had emerged in all corners of the empire beylerbeyi
in control of vast economic resources, commanding huge retinues, each the size of a small army.”
(Kunt The Sultans's Servants S.93)
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S.126
“The new textile factories of Austria, Saxony, Prussia, and Switzerland
required the wool and cotton of Macedonia and Thessaly, and rising French, German, and Italian demands caused the cotton production
of Macedonia to treble between 1720 and 1800. Austrian raw cotton imports from Macedonia and Thessaly rose from a mere trifle in
the 1720's to an estimated 1,360,000 florins in 1752. In 1766, Austrian cotton imports from the Balkans, by the land route
alone, amounted to 1,900,000 florins. In 1771, Austrian wool and cotton imports from the Balkans, by the land route alone, amounted to
five million florins.” “Macedonia and Thessaly [...] exported during the second half of the century 40 per cent of
their grain and over half their cotton and tobacco production.”
(Stoianovich „The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant“ S.260)
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S.144
“The local independence movements had little or nothing to do with
nationalism, except in Greece, and even there, the nationalists were outsiders who joined and tried to shape an uprising, not the
main participants. Muslim areas were as prone to break away from central control as Christian ones. The leaders were local landowners
and other notables seeking to protect their positions, whether or not the people of their districts were of the same or a different
linguistic and religous group.”
(Chirot/Barkey „States in Search of Legitimacy“ S.40)
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S.157
“[Our Imperial commandment and pleasure is] XXIII. That the English nation,
and all ships belonging to places subject thereto, shall and may buy, sell and trade in our sacred Dominions, and (except arms,
gunpowder, and other prohibited commodities) load and transport in their ships every kind of merchandise, at their own
pleasure, without experiencing any the least obstacle or hindrance from any one [...]”
(“Final Treaty of Capitulations: The Ottoman Empire and England. September 1675”)
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S.160
“In point of trade Bitlís is the most important among the places I
visited, yet still its commercial transactions are far from extensive. The comsumption of foreign articles is small in
quantity and limited in variety. [...] Unbleached British calicoes are sold to a moderate extent, and our shawls to a less:
besides these some woollen cloths, printed calicoes, gay-coloured silks and satins, are purchased, and a small
quantity of refined sugar. I believe the above-enumerated articles will comprise the whole list of foreign goods. The principal
consumption is in the manufactures of Damascus, Aleppo and Diyár-Bekr, and coarse cotton cloths manufactured here largely [...]
the calico is sold cheap; and I doubt whether the British manufacture could be made to compete with it, on account of [...] the
great expense of a long land-carriage on an article so bulky and at the same time of so little comparative value.”
(Brant „Notes on a Journey Through a Part of Kurdistán. 1838“ S.382f)
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S.161
“[...] the share of no single commodity exceeded 15 per cent of total
export revenues in any year of the period under study. It also appears that the share of the largest eight commodities in total
export revenues rarely, if ever exceeded 60 per cent. As a result, Ottoman external terms of trade did not depend on the
fortunes of a few commodities in world markets. This was the case primarily because patterns of cultivation in the Ottoman Empire never
approached conditions of monoculture during the nineteenth century. [...] Throughout the century, the central government
resisted attempts by foreign capital to eliminate its fiscal base, the small peasantry. As a result, attempts by foreign
capitalists to change the mode of production in agriculture and to establish large-scale farms employing wage laborers
and producing for world markets proved unsuccessful.”
(Pamuk The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism S.52f)
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S.171
“You will have heard ere this of the interview of Keimal Effendi, the
Turkish Commissioner, with Bader Khan Bey, the stand he took in favor of the Nestorians, and the consequent liberation
of upwards of forty captives. This was done by the Commissioner on his way here from Constantinople. About the same time orders
were sent to Bader Khan Bey by the Porte, commanding him to liberate all his prisoners. He obeyed only so far as served to
present the semblance of obedience, with as little as possible of the reality; that is, he liberated a few, so as to appear
to compley with the demand of Government, while he still keeps the greater part in bondage.”
(Laurie „Letter from Mr. Laurie, April 13, 1844“ S.263)
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S.171
«Aksi harektim vaki olursa icap eden cezaya razı olacağım meydanda
olduğundan şimdiye kadar bazı kusurlarda bulunmuş isem bu da ancak cehlimden ileri gelmiştir.» «Bin canım olsa cümlesini
padişahımızın uğruna fedaya hazırım.» (Sevgen „Kürtler Teil VIII“ S.49)
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S.173
«[...] Bedirhan bey üzerine gönderilen Osman Paşaya yardımda bulunmuş, kendi askerimle orduya katılarak canla başla
hizmet etmiştim. Bu hizmetim karşılığında kulunuza Dergâh-ı Ali kapıcıbaşılığı pâyesi ihsan buyrulmuş, bir tabur asker
verilerek kalemi ve beldelerimi muhafaza etmekliğim sağlanmıştı.»
(Sevgen „Kürtler Teil XIX“ S.70)
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S.178
“The more lavish the Agha's hospitality the greater the esteem of his
fellows; so much so that the prestige a man gains by virtue of being a good and generous host may in terms of reputation fully
discount disadvantages of birth. Hamid Amin Agha of Naupurdan for example though only a poor man and a fairly distant cousin of the
ruling chief of his clan has a tremendous reputation throughout the district simply on account of his hospitality. On all sides it
was maintained that he was much more of a man [...] than his nominal overlord Sheikh Mohammad Agha of Walash [...] Sheikh Mohammad was
miserly and an old woman. [...] the pattern of the society is such that this form of reputation is esteemed above all others [...]”
(Leach Social and Economic Organisation of the Rowanduz Kurds S.28)
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S.183
“The fall of Kars had doubtless accelerated the pace of these lawless
movements. The impression is now wide-spread through the mountains, that the Turks are overthrown; and as the English and
Russians are too far away, and too busy withal, to look after the Christian population, the Koords think they have full license to
pillage and plunder. Their motto now is, ‘Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.’”
(Rhea „Letter from Mr. Rhea, February 6, 1856“ S.175)
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S.188
“It appears that the necessary funds were collected for building a new place of worship in a different part of the town,
but the Moslems had prevented its construction. As soon as the Chaldeans had obtained a firman, and collected material for building
it, the Kadhee and other fanatics telegraphed to Constantinople against its erection [...]”
(Rassam Asshur and the Land of Nimrod S.99)
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S.197
“[...] each year the text of the Constitution continued to appear in the Official Yearbook (Salname)
as if it were still in the law of the land. The Porte carried the pretense even to the extent to justifying its acts on the provisions
of the Constitution. The charade, of course, fooled no one. The Constitution was dead [...]”
(Devereux The First Ottoman Constitutional Period S.248)
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S.198
“Throughout the journey I heard everywhere the common cry against the
ravages of the Koords, and the maladministration of the local authorities. Even admitting that the reports which reached my
ears were greatly exaggerated [...] no doubt a good deal of misery and suffering was caused from want of proper protection to
life and property.” (Rassam Asshur and the Land of Nimrod S.86)
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S.199
“In consequence of the war, the Ottoman Government had withdrawn all
the regular troops from Koordistan, and left the stronger to ill-treat the weaker; thus affairs were going from bad to worse,
and at the time I was at Diarbekir the disorders were at their height. [...] In fact, certain marauding Koordish tribes
inhabiting the mountains between Diarbekir, Bitlis, and Moosh, such as the Rushkootan, Shaikh Dadan, and Sasoon tribes, were
the terror of the neighborhood; and the time I was traveling in that country there was no bound to their depredations.”
(Rassam Asshur and the Land of Nimrod S.83f)
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S.199
“The Kurds from the mountains are perpetually raiding on the villagers,
carrying off sheeps, and goats, and corn. I was told of one case in which a clean sweep had been made of everything in 60 villages, the
Kurds saying that for the last 20 years the Turkish Government had kept them from levying what was due to them, and now that there
were no troops in the way they had come to collect the arrears.”
(Geary „Asiatic Turkey“ S.4 Sp.e)
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S.201
“Two sons of the late Beder Khan Beg, viz., Osman and Hussein Beys, who
had recently made their escape from exile in Constantinople, took advantage of the absence of troops and of the weakness of the
Government to raise a revolt in the Bohtan district, the home of their ancestors; and a few weeks ago these Chiefs had assembled
several thousand armed followers. They divided into two camps, of which the southern, under Osman Bey, attacked and captured
Djezireh [...]; took possession of and plundred the Government armoury there, and seized what ever supplies they needed from the
town, the garrison and officials of which had previously retired to Sert. The insurgents then marched to Schernach, a town about six
hours distance from Djezireh, attacked there another powerful Kurdish Chief, Mahomed Agha Aisur Aglow. Two or three other influential
Kurdish chiefs came to the support of the last-named, partly acting on pressure exercised by the Governor of Diarbekir, and
partly from recollections of the oppression and tyranny of Bahri Beg, another of Beder Khan's numerous progeny (who, about two
years previously, while levying bands of irregulars to join Ismail Pasha in the war against Russia, had made his name infamous
throughout the country). The united forces of these well-disposed troops amounted to about 3,000 men, but they
nevertheless inflicted on Osman Bey (who is said to have attacked Schernach with 5,000 men) a severe defeat, and drove him
back to Djezireh with heavy loss. The inhabitants of this last town, aided by the garrison that Osman had left there, hearing of his
utter defeat, and also of the approach of Government troops from more than one quarter, refused to open their gates, so Osman had
to fly to the mountains [...]”
(“No.8, Captain Trotter to the Marquis of Salisbury, Diarbekir, December 28, 1878”)
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S.201f
“While the insurrection was prospering, the Armenian village of Dehé,
about 400 houses (near Sert), was made the head-quarters of the revolt, and for a period of seventeen days was occupied by a
band of 1,000 insurgents under Hussein Bey [...] On the 4th December the Government troops approached from Sert [...] accompanied
[...] by Hamid Agha, an influential local Chief who has supported the Government through this crisis, doubtless influenced by the
recollection that his father was hung over his own doorway by the late Beder Khan Beg, the father of the present rebellious
Chiefs.”
(“No.9, Captain Trotter to the Marquis of Salisbury, Erzeroum, January 5, 1879”)
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S.202
“In the action Hussein Bey was [...] wounded [...] and his discomfited (followers), carring him off, fled into the mountains.
After his defeat and flight, the regular troops [...] occupied the village Dehé [...]”
(“No.8, Captain Trotter to the Marquis of Salisbury, Diarbekir, December 28, 1878”)
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S.202
«Nihayet Bedirhanoğullariyle emirlerine giren beyler ve ağalar maiyetlerindeki kuvvetlerle, Siirt'e 25 kilomet[re]
uzaklıktaki Binariz dağında tahkimat yapmışlardır. Hükümetin sevkettiği kuvvetler karşısında mağlup ve perişan olarak
dağılmışlardır. Bedirhanoğlu Osman ve Hüseyin beyler Bohtan havalisine kaçmışlar [...]»
(Sevgen „Kürtler Teil XX“ S.44)
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S.205
“If Batoum, Ardahan, Kars, or any of them shall be retained by Russia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by Russia to take
possession of any further territories of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan in Asia, as fixed by the Definitive Treaty of Peace,
England engages to join His Imperial Majesty the Sultan in defending them by force of arms. In return, His Imperial Majesty the Sultan
promises to England to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later between the two Powers, into government, and for the
protection, of the Christian and other subjects of the Porte in these territories; and in order to enable England to make necessary
provision for executing her engagement, His Imperial Majesty the Sultan further consents to assign the Island of Cyprus to be occupied
and administered by England.”
(“The Cyprus Convention: Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire, 4 June 1878”)
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S.207
“What is this I hear, that the Armenians are going to have an
independent State in Van, and that the Nestorians are going to hoist the British flag and declare themselves British subjects.
I will never permit it, even if I have to arm the women.”
(„Inclosure in No.7 Vice-Consul Clayton to Major Trotter, Bashkala, July 11, 1880“)
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S.216
“It is certain that the most influential man in Eastern Kurdistan is the
Sheikh Ubeydullah [...] yet I know that some influential Kurdish chiefs are dead against him; and although his authority extends
across the frontier into Persia, he has lost influence in the western portion of Kurdistan.”
(“Major Trotter to Mr. Goschen, October 20, 1880”)
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S.216
“[...] his authority among the Kurds [...] is by no means secure, two strong tribes being against him, and his own eldest son being
at feud with him and now in Persian territory. Moreover, though other Kurds might be with him for a time, yet if he experienced a
reverse, or, if successful, tried to establish strict authority over them, they would fall away.”
(“Vice-Consul Clayton to Major Trotter, July 11, 1880”)
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S.218
“[...] European Governments [...] shall inquire into our state. We also are
a nation apart. We want our affairs to be in our own hands, so that [...] we may [...] have privileges like other nations.”
(“Inclosure 3 in No.61, Sheikh Obeidullah to Dr. Cochran (Translation), October 5, 1880”)
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S.218
“[...] I believe the Sheikh to be more or less personally loyal to the
Sultan; and he would be ready to submit to his authority and pay him tribute as long as he could get rid of the Ottoman officials,
and be looked de lege as well as de facto the ruling Chief of Kurdistan.”
(“Major Trotter to Mr. Goschen, October 20, 1880”)
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S.219
«Une ligue Kurde est en train de se former à l'instigation du
Gouvernement Central, qui veut paralyser la question Arménienne, en lui en opposant une nouvelle, celle des Kurdes.
L'âme de cette ligue est la politique Ottomane. Le Cheikh Ebédullah en est le centre factice; Bahri Bey, fils de Bèderhan
Bey, en est l'émissaire assidu. On remue. Bahri Bey se rendant auprès des Chefs Kurdes, emploie tantôt les promesses, tantôt
les instances et tantôt les menaces, pour les réunir tous autour d'un même Chef, le Cheikh Ebédullah. La ligue Kurde, pour se
faire un foyer en Turquie, déploie l'activité la plus brutale, pour faire évacuer par les Arméniens l'arrondissement
d'Aghpag (Hekkiari). A cet effet, elle se permet tout excès qu'il serait inutile de qualifier.»
(“Letter from Monseigneur Krimian, le 20 Juin, 1880”)
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S.232
“Abdulhamit sought to establish a role as caliph of all Muslims. He began to use
his longstanding right to appoint religious officials in former Ottoman territories now under foreign rule in order to maintain
his influence among their Muslim populations. He thus personally selected and appointed kadis, teachers, and other ulema sent to
Egypt, Cyprus, the Crimea, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Bulgaria. The Ottoman government protested and intervened officially whenever
there was news of misrule or oppression of Muslims no matter where they lived. [...] The British, Russians, and French were warned, with
some vehemence, that aggression against the Ottoman Empire or their own Muslim peoples might lead to a united Muslim uprising
against them with full Ottoman support.”
(Shaw/Shaw History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Vol.II S.260)
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S.234
“The old ‘storytellers’ of the bazaars and cafes ha[ve] given place to
the newspaper reader; the arrival of the mail is eagerly watched for, and the reader at the cafe is surrounded by listerners who
carry away to their villages such versions of politics as is contained in the articles of ‘Vakit’, ‘Hakikat’ , and
other papers.” (“Col. Wilson to Dufferin, August 25, 1882”)
S.239
«Il est incontestable que l'émancipation de la Bulgarie a inspiré la tactique des révolutionnaires arméniens qui
analysent jusqu'à satiété l'enchaînement de ses différentes phases: mouvement haïdouk,
insurrection populaire, ‹atrocités bulgares›, interpellations parlementaires, intervention russe,
autonomie de la Bulgarie. Ils tentent de transplanter ce modèle [...] en Asie Mineure, dans une région multinationale où
les Arméniens sont minoritaires, ce qui exclut la phase capitale de l'insurrection populaire et ce qui condamne le
mouvement arménien á se développer comme un mouvement de minorité chrétienne butant sur l'incompréhension et l'hostilité
des masses musulmanes.»
(Ter Minassian „L'Arménie et l'éveil des nationalités“ S.470f)
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S.249
“Throughout the spring of 1895, it was becoming more evident that the
Muslims were ceasing to make a distinction between Armenian and revolutionary. There was increasing pressure being placed on
Armenians to convert to Islam and a rise in the number of kidnapping of Armenian women by Kurdish tribesmen. The
Hamidian government's ‘Muslim policy’ was having an effect that perhaps had not been intended, but the Muslims were reacting
to what they saw as a direct threat posed by the Christians in the way that they thought the government would have expected them to.”
(Duguid „The Politics of Unity“ S.149f)
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S.254
«1897'den sonra da Hamidiye Alaylerının düzene konması hususunda
çalışmalar devam etmiş ise de uygulama alanında sonuç pek değişmemiş, yani tam başarıya ulaşılamamıştır.»
(Kodaman „Hamidiye hafif Süvarî alayları“ S.472)
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S.255
“No proper discussion of Kurdish political history, or for that
matter the political history of any other Ottoman ethnic group, is possible without some mention of the Young Turk Revolution of July
1908. Its profound effects upon the destinies of the peoples and the countries which comprised the Ottoman Empire can scarcely
be exaggerated.” (Jwaideh The Kurdish Nationalist Movement S.290)
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S.265
“Excepting towards the leading figures of the former government, a broad spirit
of conciliation was displayed in every respect. People belonging to different races and creeds who had always avoided friendly
intercourse, took delight in fraternizing with one another. Blame for the unconciliatory attitude they formerly showed was ascribed
to the policy of the old government. ‘We loved each other, but the despotic government did not let us become aware of it’, were
words to be heard in every part of the city, on that first day of enthusiasm.”
(Yalman The Development of Modern Turkey S.87)
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S.270
«Le première organisation politique Kurde fut fondée en 1908 à
Constantinople sous le nom de ‹Kurdistan taali vé taraki djémiéti› Les Fondateurs étaient Emir Emin Aali Bedr-Khan.
Le Général Chérif Pacha, le sénateur Seïd Abdel Kadir qui fut exécuté par les Turcs à Diarbekr en 1925, Ahmed Zulkefl Pacha et
d'autres patriotes Kurdes dont les noms nous échappent. Une organisation pour la propagation de l'instruction entre les
Kurdes sous le nom de ‹Kurde Nechri Mouarif Djémiéti› et une école Kurde au quartier de Tchenberli Tache› à Stamboul,
furent fondées en 1908 grâce aux efforts du ‹Kurdistan taali vé Taraki Djémiéti›. La direction de l'Ecole fut assumée
par l'Emir Abdurrahman Bedr-Khan.»
(Chirguh [Bedir Khan] La question kurde S.19; mit allen Druckfehlern wiedergegeben)
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S.271
«Maksad-ı Tesis. Madde 1
— Ahkâm-ı celile-i İslâmiyeye muvafık ve saadet-i milletle selâmet-i vatanı mütekeffil olan Kanun-ı
Esasi'nin kavaid-i muhassenatını bu hakayıka vakıf olmayan birtakım Kürtlere tefhim ve Osmanlılık sıfat-ı mübeccelesini
daima muhafaza ile beraber din ve devletin yegâne medar-ı terakki ve hayatı bulunan usûl-u meşrutiyet ve meşveret
muhafaza ve idame edildikçe makam-ı hilâfet-i kübra ve saltanat-ı uzmaya Kürtlerin revabıt-ı vesikasını teşyit eylemek ve
vatandaşları olan Ermeni ve Nasturi ve akvam-ı saire-i Osmaniye ile hüsn-i imtizac ve muaşeretlerini bir kat daha takviye
ve tezyid ve kabail ve aşair arasındaki bazı gûna münaferet ve ihtilâfı izale ile cümlesinin bir merkez-i neşru-i
ittihadda hemdest-i terakki olmaları esbabını temin ve maarif ve sanayi ve ticaret ve ziraatı meşr-ü tevsi' etmek
mekasıd-ı esasiyesi üzerine ‹Kürt Teavün ve Terakki Cemiyeti› nâmıyla bir cemiyet-i hayriye teessüs edilmiştir.»
(Tunaya Türkiye'de Siyasi Partiler. Cilt I S.409)
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S.283
«Türk subaylarına hissettirmeden milli ülkü çerçevesinde bu subaylarla
anlaşabilmek imkânına kavuştuğumdan çok memnundum. Fakat ne yazık ki bu aşiret subayı arakadaşlar İslam Halifesine büyük
bir sadakatle bağlı olduklarından Kürtler'in milli meselelerine ait hiç bir şey dinlemek istemiyorlardı. Bu yüzden bu
husustaki çalışam istediğim sonucu vermedi.»
(Cemil Paşa [Silopî] Doza Kurdistan S.45)
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S.291f
“1. The adoption of Kurdish as the official language in the five Kurdish qadahs [...]. 2. The adoption
of Kurdish as the language of instruction in the Kurdish areas. 3. The appointment of Kurdish-speaking
qaimmaqams, mudirs of Nahiyahs, and other officials. 4. The administration of law and justice in accordance with the Sharia
...], in view of the fact that Islam is the state religion. 5. The positions of qadi [...] and mufti
[...] to be filled by adherents of the Shafi i school of law. 6. Taxes to be levied in accordance with the provisions of the
Shari ah, and the oblition of all taxes that are in excess of or incompatible with the amounts estabished by the Shari
ah. 7. Taxes collected for exemption from labor service to remain in effect, provide they are set aside for the repair and
maintenance of road in the five Kurdish qadahs.”
(Jwaideh The Kurdish Nationalist Movement S.304f)
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S.293
“One of the devices adopted by the British officers in Kurdish territory
for consolidating Kurdish national sentiment was the introduction of Kurdish as the written official language in
place of the Turkish of Government offices and the Persian of private correspondence. Gradually a set style was evolved,
but at first even native officials found great difficulty in expressing themselves, and one of them once complained to the writer:
‘The British Government is famous throughout the world for its justice and mercy to the weak; why does it make an exception
in our case and commit the abominable tyranny of making us write our own language?’”
(Edmonds „A Kurdish Newspaper“ S.84)
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S.295
“There were Kurdish nationalists, but these belonged to the narrow stratum that had by eduation and urban residence
ecome far removed from Kurdish society. [...] Nationalist ideas took long to be adopted in Kurdistan itself [...] Tribal chieftains
and shaikhs may have been strengthened in their desires for independence by what they heard and saw happen to the remnants of the
Ottoman Empire, but only few seem to have entertained nationalist feelings.”
(van Bruinessen Origins and Development of Kurdish Nationalism S.12)
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S.296
“In one of his many letters he elaborated upon the political system
to be e[...]stablished in Kurdistan. Most Kurdish tribal chieftains, Sharif Pasha argued, are still too primitive.
Elections would certainly lead to an intensification of inter-tribal conflicts. In order to rule such a country, he further
opined, one would need an educated Kurd with sufficient knowledge of administrative and military affairs, surrounded by British
advisers and his own ministers. It would be wise, he continued, ‘[...] to preserve the prestige of the heads of the old great
Kurdish families, by bringing them together in a federative council, presided by the emir
that the British Government would appoint [...]’ This would undoubtedly be a very heavy and difficult task; nevertheless, the
pasha humbly added, he was personally ready to take it upon him.”
(van Bruinessen Origins and Development of Kurdish Nationalism S.8f)
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S.303
“[...] I believe that historians will come to see Talât, Enver and their
associates not so much as evil men but as desperate, frightened, unsophisticated men struggling to keep their nation afloat in a
crisis far graver than they had anticipated when they first entered the war (the Armenian decisions were taken at the height of the
crisis of the Dardanelles), reacting to events rather than creating them, and not fully realizing the extent of the horrors they
had set in motion in ‘Turkish Armenia’ until they were too deeply committed to withdraw.” (Dyer „Turkish ‘Falsifiers’ and
Armenian ‘Deceivers’“ S.107)
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S.310
“[...] the regions which should form the Armenian State are the following:
1° The 7 Vilayets of Van, Bitlis, Diarbekir, Kharpout, Sivas, Erzeroum and Trebizond (in conformity with the Reform Act of
February 1914), excluding the regions situated beyond the South of the Tigris and to the West of the line between Ordou-Sivas. 2° The
four Cilician Sandjaks, i.e. Marash, Khozan (Sis), Djebel-Bereket and Adana with Alexandretta. 3° All the territory of the Armenian
Republic of Caucasus, including: [...] the provinces of Kars, with the exception of the region to the north of Ardahan.”
(Representatives of Armenia The Armenian Question S.5)
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S.313
«Les affaires arméniennes devant être prochainement discutées devant la
Conférence de la Paix et les intérêts kurdes n'ayant à Paris aucun autre défenseur qualifié que moi qui suis Kurde par mon père
feu Saïd pacha de Suléimanié, et par ma mère dont le père, feu le maréchal Chérif pacha, était également Kurde, je crois de mon
devoir de faire valoir auprès de la haute Assemblée interalliée les revendications nationales de ma race qui forme non seulement
la plus grande majorité dans les contrées habitées par les Arméniens, mais encore dont l'homogénéité lui donne le droit de
solliciter un examen des plus minutieux à son égard. D'ailleurs dans les milieux influents kurdes, tant à Constantinople
que dans le pays et parmi les prisonniers de guerre résidant dans les Indes, tout le monde attend de moi la défense des intérêts de
ma race [...]»
(Chérif Pacha „Les rendivication des Kurdes“ S.192)
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S.314
«Birinci Başkan — Şemdinanlı Seyit Ubeydullah Efendi'nin oğlu Ayan Meclisi (Senato) üyesi Seyit Abdulkadir Efendi,
Birinci Başkan Vekili — Botan emirlerinden Bedirxanî Emin Ali Bey[,] İkinci Başkan Vekili — Süleymaniyeli eski Dışişleri
Bakanı Said Paşa'nın oğlu Tümen Komutanı Fuad Paşa, Genel Sekreter — Kurmay Subaylıktan Emekli Tümen Komutanı Hamdi
Paşa, Muhasebeci — Seyit Abdulkadir Efendi'nin oğlu Seyit Abdullah, Üye — Dersimli Miralay Halil Bey,
Üye — Miralay emeklisi Bedirxanî M. Ali Bey, Üye — Emekli Askeri Kaymakam Süleymaniyeli M.Emin Bey,
Üye — Ulemadan Hoca Ali Efendi, Üye — Medrese hocalarından Arvaslı Şefik efendi, Üye — Tercüman Gazetisei
Başyazarı Babanzâde Şükrü Bey, Üye — Babanzâde Fuat Bey, Üye — Tüccar Fethullah Efendi,
Üye — Profesör Doktor Şükrü Mehmet Bey Sekban.» (Cemil Paşa [Silopî] Doza Kurdistan S.56f)
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S.314f
«Madde 1 —
Kürtlerin menafi-i umumîyesinin temin ve teshili inkişafı maksadıyle ‹Kürdistan Teâli Cemiyeti› nâmı ile bir
cemiyet teşekkül etmiştir. Merkezi İstanbul'dadır. Kürdistan'da ve indelhace sair yerlerde şubeler küşad
edecektir. Aynı maksada çalışacak cemiyat ve akvam-ı saire ile teşrik-i mesai eder. Madde 2 —
Cemiyet maksadına vüsûl için, her lisanda yevmî ve mevkut gazete, risale ve kitaplar neşir ve mütalâahaneler, mektepler ve
matbaalar tesis edecek ve gece dersleri, konferanslar verecek ve münasip yerlere heyet-i irşadiyeler gönderecek ve her nevi
müesesat-ı hayriye ve içtimaiye vücude getirecektir.»
(Tunaya Türkiye'de Siyasi Partiler. Cilt II S.205)
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S.315
«Soru: Şerif Paşa Kürt ulusunu temsil etmekte midir? Cevap:
Şerif Paşa Kürt Teali Cemiyeti tarafindan delege olarak gönderilmiştir. Benim firime göre Kürt Teali Cemiyeti
Kürt ulusunu temsil etmektedir.
(Interview des Sheikh Abdülkadir mit der Zeitung İkdam vom 27.2.1920)
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S.326f
“[...] it is not surprising that many Kurdish chieftains turned to him:
he had power that he might delegate to them, whereas the nationalist organizations did not have that themselves. They might
count on the Allies' good-will and the provisions of Sèvres, but most chieftains correctly perceived that the Allies were in the
first place the Armenians' friends, not the Kurds'. Mustafa Kemal was the most likely person to protect ‘Kurdish’ lands from
Armenian claims.”
(van Bruinessen Agha, Shaikh and State S.376)
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S.330
“We, the undersigned, representing the Armenian and Kurdish nations, have the honor to inform the Conference of Peace that
our two nations, both of them Aryan, have the same interests and pursue a common goal, namely their liberation and independence
and, especially for the Armenians, their emancipation from the cruel domination of the Turkish governments, and in general,
for the Armenians as well as the Kurds, their deliverance from the yoke of the Committee of Union and Progress, whose official and
occult government has been as disastrous for the one as for the other. We are thus in complete harmony in jointly petitioning the
Conference of Peace for the creation of a united, independent Armenia and an independent Kurdistan, according to the
principle of nationalities, and for the assistance of a Great Power, designated, after having heard the desires of our respective
nations, to lend our countries its technical and economic aid during the period of reconstruction. In matters concerning the
allocation of contested territories, indicated in our respective memoranda to the Conference of Peace, and the exact delimitation of
the frontiers of the two future states, we formally declare that we submit entirely to the decisions of the Conference of Peace,
persuaded in advance that its ruling will be determined on the basis of right and justice. We confirm, moreover, our complete agreement to
respect the legitimate rights of the minorities in the two states.”
(Hovannisian The Republic of Armenia Bd.2 S.444)
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S.331
«Soru: Kürtler ve Türkler arasıdaki bağlar konusundaki görüşleriniz nedir?
Cevap: Türkler bizim sevgili kardeşlerimiz ve dindaşlaımızdırlar. Müslümanlar olarak aramızda düşmanlık mümkün
değildir. Biz sadece özgür gelişme hakkının bize verilmesini arzuluyoruz. Şerif Paşa ve Boghos Nubar arasında Türklere karşı bir
anlaşmaya varıldığı iddiası tümüyle asılsızdır. Böylesi bir şey bizim tartışmalarımıza konu bile olamaz. Tüm bunlar belli amaçlar
için yürütülen propagandaların sonuçlarıdır.
Soru: Kürt ulusunun gerçek talepleri nelerdir? Cevap:
Bugün Kürtlerin ikamet ettiği beş-altı vilayet vardir. Hükümet bu vilayetlere özerlik versin. Bizim açımızdan da, kendi
seçtiğimiz adil ve dürüst insalar vasıtasıyla gelişmemize imkan verilsin. Az önce belirttiğim gibi hiç nbir
şekilde Türklere karşı düşmanca hisler beslemiyoruz. Türklerde kurulacak özerk hükümetin yönetiminde
bizimle birlikte yer alsınlar.»
(Interview des Sheikh Abdülkadir mit der Zeitung İkdam vom 27.2.1920)
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S.345
«Binaenaleyh başlıbaşına bir Kürtlük tasavvur etmekten ise bizim
Teşkilat-ı Esasiye Kanunu mucibince zaten bir nevi mahalli muhtariyetler teşekkül edecektir. O halde hangi livanın
ahalisi Kürt ise onlar kendi kendilerini muhtar olarak idare edeceklerdir. Bundan başka Türkiye'nin halkı mevzuu bahs olurken,
onları da beraber ifade lazımdır. İfade olunmadıkları zaman, bundan kendilerine ait mesele ihdas etmeleri daima
variddir.»
(„Gizlenen tutanak. Atatürk: ‚Kürtlere özerklik‘“ (o.V.) S.11)
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S.345
“The Government of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey is the Government of the Kurds just as much as the Government
of the Turks, for the real and legitimate representatives of the Kurds sit in the National Assembly and take part in the
government and administration of the country to the same degree as the representatives of the Turks.”
(The House of Commons „Lausanne Conference on Near Eastern Affairs 1922-1923“ S.345)
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S.347
“All important chieftains were in communication with at least one of these external powers (usually with more), trying to decide with whom
their interests would best be served. Traditional rivalries between chieftains often prevented them from choosing the same
government: if one chose the British, his rival would almost have to establish contact with the kemalists, and vice versa. As the
British found out in Southern Kurdistan, for every ‘loyal’ chieftain (i.e., one willing to collaborate with the
British) there was also a ‘rebel’, who belonged to the former's enemies.”
(van Bruinessen Origins and Development of Kurdish Nationalism in Turkey S.9)
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S.358
“Article 1.- The Caliph is deposed. The office of Caliphate is abolished,
since the Caliphate is essentially comprised in the meaning and signification of [the words] Government [Hükyūmet] and Republic
[Jumhūrīyet]. Article 2.- The deposed Caliph and all male and female members of the
Imperial Family of the now extinguished Ottoman Sultanate, including the husbands of Imperial princesses [Dāmād],
are deprived in perpetuity of the right to reside within the boundaries of the territories of the Republic of Turkey.”
(“Law concerning the Abolition of the Caliphate and the Banishment of the Members of the Ottoman Imperial Family from the Territories of the Republic of Turkey”)
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S.366
«4 Eylül 1924'te Genelkurmaya gelen bir raporda; Beytüşşebap Grubundan 18. Alay 1. Bölük Teğmeni Vanlı Hurşit'in 76
mevcutlu grubu ile ve bir süre sonra Yüzbaşı İhsan'ın yönetiminde Teğmen Rasim ve Teğmen Tevfik ile birlikte 275 mevcutlu grubun
üzerlerinde 10 otomatik, 380 tüfek olduğu halde ve Garnah ambarından 800 kilo buğday almak suretiyle bilinmeyen
bir istikamette firar ettikleri bildiriliyordu.»
(Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Genelkurmay belgelerinde Kürt isyanları Bd.1 S.71)
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S.368
“He started the campaign against the Kurds by requiring the Kurds, under
penalty of death, to speak Turkish; by deporting scores of Kurdish notables; by seizing unnumbered Kurdish girls and women;
and by inaugurating a general reign of terror, in all the parts of Kurdistan into which his agents could penetrate. At the
spectacle of this ghastly decimation of their people, Kurdish leaders, with the infamy of Lausanne still fresh in memory, turned to
the only honorable course that was open to them — revolution.”
(Bedir Khan The Case of Kurdistan against Turkey S.46a)
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S.381
“The Government programme of reforms in Kurdistan is stated to be based on the abolition of the powers of the sheikhs
and of the tribal system. The country will be divided up into a number of districts, which will be under distinguished army officiers
and kept in order by the presence of bodies of troops and gendarmérie. Nomad tribes will be compelled to settle in definite
localities.” (The Times London 1925 (Ausgabe vom 13.4.) S.9 Sp.f)
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